Read Alouds Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Read Alouds - Essay Example Reading aloud is so effective due to a number of factors, including: pleasure, emotional bonds among the participants of the process, opportunities to experience unusual situation and listen to the books that are above children’s own reading level. Meanwhile, read-alouds develop children, motivate them to read independently and serve as a trigger for creativity and discussion. Reading to the class, the teacher demonstrates her appreciation of literature and serves as a role model (Kieff 2003, p.28). Read-alouds serve as â€Å"a catalyst† for the discussion and social interchange. As Lawrence Sipe (1999) puts it â€Å"literature can help us perceive reality in new and fresh ways, â€Å"defamiliarizing life† and making us alive to new possibilities, new ways of perceiving the social order, so that we can imagine what a more just society would look like† (p.125). At the end of his article Lawrence Sipe concludes that â€Å"as children embrace or resist texts through language and a variety of artistic modes, they are forging links between literature and their own lives. Such links have the potential to be both informative and transformative for their developing sense of themselves as individuals and members of society† (p.129). However, children’s’ response to literature can be different. Success of read alouds may depend on various factors. Sipe’s article (1999) highlights some factors influencing children’s response to a book. As research show it is the literary experience of the reader and the context, which really matters. Individual experience and cultural background always contribute to the literary response. To my mind, this fact is of special interest for teachers working in multi-cultural classes, which are not rare in the United States. Multicultural literature available today represents cultures, which used to be invisible or treated negatively earlier. Such books can serve as mirrors or windows for children of

Country Risk Analysis - Peru Essay Example for Free

Country Risk Analysis Peru Essay SWOT analysis Strengths: Peru is a country blessed with natural resources. In 2010 its exports reached some 23 billion GBP, which was mainly made out of minerals, petroleum and agricultural products. Its mining industry is the largest in Latin America, accounting for 7,7 billion GBP of its total exports in 2010. The climate is also favourable for agriculture, representing 13% of GDP, and employing 30% of the population. In addition, sites like Machu Picchu, Cuscu and Sacsayhuaman make Peru a popular tourist destination for millions of people every year. Weaknesses: Although an advantage when the business climate is favourable, Peru’s heavy dependence upon natural resources and agriculture can prove to be an Achilles heel. Volatile commodity prices and low productivity and fragmented land ownership in agriculture makes the economy susceptible to economic fluctuations. What’s more the country lacks vital infrastructure such as high quality roadways, bridges and flight routes. And as with so many other Latin American countries, high unemployment* threatens the economic and political stability, which in turn affects investor confidence. *Despite a fairly low unemployment rate of 7,9%, the underemployment rate is above 40%, which causes similar effects. Opportunities: In the period between 2000 and 2005 the number of visiting tourists to Peru doubled, and the figure has grown by approximately 11% annually, a trend that is expected to continue. Enforcing the rise in tourism is the announcement that there will be eight long weekends in Peru in 2012, generating some 500 million GBP in extra tourism revenue this year. In 2005, the US and Peru signed a free trade agreement enabling a non-barrier trading relationship between the two countries, which is a huge opportunity as the U.S accounts for 16.3% of Peru’s exports, and 19.5% of its imports annually. Threats: Almost 50% of Peru’s population is poor. This is mainly caused by the extraction industry, where people are oppressed in mining villages and remote communities. Income distribution is extremely skewed, as the richest 10% controls 35.4% of the wealth, and the poorest 10% only control 1.6%. PESTLE analysis Political: Peru is a quite democratic country, after the election of Fernando Belaà ºnde in 1980. However the political environment has been troublesome at best, with several attempts on overthrowing the government, last in October 2000. Alan Garcia, the same man who ran the country into the ditch with four-figure inflation rates in the 1990s, has in his second reign as president (2006-2011) witnessed an amazing economic recovery and growth. Corruption has long been a big problem in Peru, but counteraction was taken in February of 2010 when a dedicated commission was created to deal with the problem, which is especially brought on by the drug cartels. Peru also has a stable relationship with most of its neighbour countries, although their ongoing border conflict with Chile keeps that relationship tense. Economical: The economic environment in Peru has gone from hyperinflation (1991) to deflation (2002) to what appears to be stable growth since 2006. Being an exporting nation they where hit hard by the financial crisis, but kept the growth figure above 0, unlike many other Latin American countries. It regained GDP growth of 8.8% in 2010. In 2011 the credit rating agency Standard Poor raised Peru’s credit rating from BBB- to BBB. In general, Peru has one of the most prosperous economies in Latin America, having tripled in size in the past 11 years. In addition of being a member of the WTO, they also have a non-tariff trade agreement with the US, which has proven most advantageous as the US represents some 30% of both imports and exports. It is worth mentioning that Peru’s economic growth is very much aided by growth in private investment of 13% annually. This is acknowledged by the government, and has led to minor barriers to entry for foreign firms. Social: Since the early 21th century the conditions for Peruvians has improved in many measures. Life expectancy has increased by 4 years to 73 since 2004, and the literacy rate is stable at 90%. However, there is a big split between the rural areas and big cities such as Lima, with 8.5 million people. While people in the cities are lifted out of poverty due to the economic growth, the people living in the rural areas are subject to underemployment and bad infrastructure. The main language used is Spanish. Although some speak Quechua or Aymara, these are mainly spoken by people living in the Andes Mountains. Technological: Peru is known for its substantial bureaucracy and inefficiency, much of which is due to its low amount of technology available. However, more and more people now possess a mobile phone, and Internet usage is increasing steadily. This said these number should be growing as only 10% owns a personal computer, and there are only 3,7 internet subscriptions per 100 people. (http://devdata.worldbank.org/ict/per_ict.pdf) Legal: Although the legal system in Peru appears to lack both independence and efficiency, it has been severely altered to attract foreign investors and aid business. Through removing the requirement for small enterprises to deposit start-up capital in a bank before registration they have made it easier to start a business, and investors are protected through a new law that allows minority shareholders to request access to non-confidential corporate documents. The tax-system has been made electronic, which not only makes it work more efficient, it also makes taxing a lot easier for both parts. It is also legislated that eight-hour days and 48-hour weeks are the maximum working hours, with a minimum wage of $128 a month. Environmental: In August 2010 Peru obtained the Third Programmatic Environmental Development Policy Loan. This money is dedicated to â€Å"strengthen environmental governance, including regulation enforcement, and mainstreaming of environmental sustainability in the mining, fisheries, urban transport and energy sectors.† The funds will also be used to improve parts of the health sector, especially for those exposed to health risks from environmental degradation. This illustrates Peru’s awareness and concern about the environmental issues and their ability to handle them in a way that draws the World Bank’s attention.

What Is An Information Society Media Essay

What Is An Information Society Media Essay It is definitely hard to nail down the definition of an information society as one may argue that its definition is rather abstract and requires one to locate it in the context of time and space. Are we now still considered an Information Society? How do we quantify a shift to an information society? All these are problematic questions to consider.   1.1 Definitions First, I will list down a few definitions by scholars and see if there is a fundamental basis for the term Information Society: A society that organizes itself around knowledge in the interest of social control, and the management of innovation and change (Daniel Bell, 1976). A society where [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] information is used as an economic resource, the community harnesses/exploits it, and behind it all an industry develops which produces the necessary information (Nick Moore, 1977). A new type of society, where the possession of information is the driving force behind its transformation and development [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] where human intellectual creativity flourishes (Yoneji Masuda, 1980). The information society is an economic reality and not simply a mental abstractionThe slow spread/dissemination of information ends [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] new activities, operations and products gradually come to light (John Naisbitt, 1984). Societies that have become dependent upon complex electronic information networks and which allocate a major portion of their resources to information and communication activities (Melody, 1990). It is evident that the above definitions are based on preconceptions regarding which areas of life change significantly: some are centered on resources, others around products, industries, activities, or society and people. As such, in general terms, an  information society  is a  society  where the creation, distribution, diffusion, uses, integration and manipulation of  information  is a significant economic, political, social and cultural activity. 1.2 The Birth of the Concept The expression post-industrial society was first coined in 1914 in Great Britain by Ananda K. Coomaraswamy and Arthur J. Penty. It was later revived from 1958 in America (primarily by Daniel Bell) and from the end of the 1960s in French social sciences (by Alain Touraine). However, the collocation information society as it is now used first emerged in Japanese social sciences in the early 1960s. The Japanese version of the expression  (Joho Shakai)  was born during a conversation in 1961 between Kisho Kurokawa, the famous architect, and Tudao Umesao, the renowned historian and anthropologist.  In regard to technology, which forms the basis of production, the term automation (later cybernation), introduced by the automotive engineer of the Ford company D. S. Harder in 1946, facilitated the discussions for decades. Dozens of evocative terms were originated to designate the sweeping changes generated by the hurtling development of information technology; of these the most well-kno wn were the various manifestations of the computer and the scientific-technological revolution. A common characteristic of the above proto-concepts is that they isolated one of the components, i.e. a part of the rapidly changing socio-economic complex and suggested that it was sufficient to describe in both a descriptive and metaphorical sense the whole. As a result of this, several terms, each with a different approach, proliferated between 1950 and 1980. Around 1980 these terms merged into a comprehensive, joint umbrella term combining the concept of information and society: this new concept included and encapsulated all the previous partial concepts and preserved the expressive power, approach and attitude they represented.   1.3 Generic Timeline (1960s- Present) In the mid-1960s, when computing was known as data processing and the economies of the most advanced industrial nations were shifting from manufacturing to services, theorists proposed the emergence of an information society. This new society idea, based on the notion that the production of knowledge was replacing industrial production, was believed to have strong social implications.  With the introduction of the personal computer in 1981, the concept of the information society received new impetus. The computer and electronics industry went through a period of rapid restructuring and global growth as it promoted the notion of a computer in every home. These developments influenced the restatement of visions about a new kind of post-industrialism in which societies with high levels of knowledge skills, or the capacity to develop those quickly, held competitive advantage and the capacity to transform themselves into more open and responsive societies. From the early 1990s, the rapid convergence of computers with private and public telecommunications networks placed a new emphasis on instant and universal access to vast banks of information and on rapid information exchange across geographic, social and cultural boundaries. The intensified commercialization of the World Wide Web from 1994 appeared to have given the information society a specific shape and form.  In the past few decades we have seen various scholars debating on the concept and in recent years, other scholars and politicians have discussed more on the implications and the uses of ICTs; bringing in the political dimension. The  International Telecommunications Unions  World Summit on the Information Society  in Geneva and Tunis (2003 and 2005) has led to a number of policy and application areas where action is required. These include promotion of ICTs for development; information and communication infrastructure; access to information and knowledge; building c onfidence and security in the use of ICTs; cultural and linguistic diversity; and ethical dimensions of the information society. 2. Information Society Debate Among researchers and scholars, there is no consensus about what the information society is or even that it exists. For instance, Daniel Bells theories have numerous critics among others like Webster, 1995; Marvin, 1987; and Schiller, 1981 (Susan Trench, 1999). In particular, Bells claim that an information society exists when the information workers (clerks, teachers, lawyers and entertainers) outnumber the other workers is highly contentious because every occupation involves information processing of one kind or another. On the basis of the growth of information flows and technologies, information society theorists argue that the changes underway represent not just quantitative but qualitative social change transforming almost every realm of social life, including households, communities, education, health, work, surveillance, democracy, and identities. Together, these changes are seen as constituting a new form of society, comparable to the shift from an agrarian to an industrial society. Rather than tightly defined, the scope of information society debates ranges widely and overlaps with other approaches to understanding contemporary social change. Information society theorists can be broadly categorized in terms of those who see technology as the driving force behind the change, versus those who see social factors as shaping technology and history. This debate, technological determinism versus the social shaping of technology, lies at the heart of the sociology of technology. While sociologists have been concerned to refute technological determinism, countering the common, everyday way of conceiving of the relationship of technology to society, much work on the information society remains at least implicitly technologically determinist, while in the sociology of technology there is a growing interest in the constraining capacity of technology. Another key issue in the debate is whether and when quantitative changes (e.g., increasing flows of information, a larger information sector of the economy, or growing levels of ownership of IT devices) constitute qualitative change (the emergence of a new form of society, even an IT revolution). In other words, there is a debate about whether the situation is radically different from the past, or merely the continuation of long-running phenomena or tendencies. A further distinction is between optimists and pessimists, on which count the debate is remarkably polarized: for some (notably Daniel Bell), the information society is a progressive development, characterized by greater freedom and  fulfillment   whereas others (Herbert Schiller, Frank Webster) point to the continuation or exacerbation of long-running inequalities and patterns of control. Some contributors to the debate are normative in their writing, slipping into a mode of endorsing the changes that they identify as underway. Different theorists focus on different strands of the debate, notably the growth of technology, the transformation of the economy, the changing nature of work, new patterns of connection across time and space, and the coming to the fore of mediated culture.   2.1 Closely Related Concepts Post-industrial society (Daniel Bell) Post-Fordism Post-modern society Liquid modernity (Zygmunt Bauman) Knowledge society Network society (Manuel Castells) New Information Society (Frank Webster) The above terms and concepts carry similar and often overlapping meanings; while for some social theorists, different labels like late modernity, post-modernity, or globalization better characterize contemporary social transformations. Even those who focus on the information society use the term to refer to different social processes. In this Wiki-project, I will not attempt to cover all the various discussions on information society but will focus on a few scholars instead. 3. Alvin Toffler- Future Shock (1970) and the Third Wave (1980) In 1970, the futurist Alvin Toffler, without explicit reference to the information society, painted a dramatic transformative theory based on the power of new technology. Technology was changing society, as it had done historically, from the agricultural revolution to the industrial revolution. But the pace of change had accelerated beyond anything previously experienced or imagined. New social, economic and political relations were rising as rapidly as old ones were falling. In advanced societies, he argued, many people were suffering from future shock the disease of change, caused by the stresses and disorientation of too much change too quickly. Future shock was not an abstract condition; it was real and had actual psychological and biological effects on its sufferers.  Those who felt it most acutely were people who tried to cling onto the old ways and resist the new. Technology was driving changes, and people had to adapt to them. A decade later, during which time his confidence in the transformations had swelled, Toffler presented the notion of the third wave. The first wave of social transformation was the agricultural revolution; which prevailed in much of the world after the  Neolithic Revolution, which replaced  hunter-gatherer  cultures. The second wave was the industrial revolution which began in Western Europe with the  Industrial Revolution, and subsequently spread across the world. Key aspects of Second Wave society are the  nuclear family, a factory-type education system and the  corporation. The third wave was still in its early phase. It was characterized by a move away from manufacturing to the provision of services and information. Around this, new social, political and economic relations were forming. Toffler argued that distance was becoming irrelevant in the third wave, mass production was giving way to customization, and national borders, cultures and identities were being eroded . Many of these ideas have re-emerged in the much later discussion of information society. Toffler left open both the question of what the outcome of the transformation of the structure of democracy was to entail, as well as the question of what kind of world order would supersede the order of nation-states. 4. Yoneji Masuda The Information Society as Post Industrial Society, Johoka Shakai (1980) In Japan, Yoneji Masuda likened the impact of information technology on the modern economy to that of steam power in the industrial revolution. The book published by Yoneji Masuda in 1980 refers to a higher stage of social evolution- from post-industrial society to information society. Masuda tells of the birth of an era of information; focusing on computer technology, which operates in conjunction with communications technology. He  hypothesizes that the future information society would be a highly integrated society, like an organism. It would be a complex multi-centered society in which many systems are connected and integrated by information networks. Overall, the innovative technology would change the social and economic systems through the following three phases: Phase 1 technology does the work previously done for humans based on automation. Phase 2 technology enables the possibility of work that man could never do before, i.e. knowledge creation. Phase 3 socio-economic s tructures are transformed into new social and economic systems, a result of the first two phases of development. The information society will form a new societal model with a different framework from the industrial society, which is keen on the exploitation of information as a resource fundamental to the development of new innovations. The table below summarizes Masudas work. Table 1: Comparison of the characteristics of the industrial and information society by Yoneji Masuda Source: Masuda, 1980 5. Daniel Bell The Coming of Post-industrial Society (1973) Genealogy of the information society concept is usually traced to a term post-industrial society- a term first used by sociologist Daniel Bell (1973). He states: In the pre-industrial society life is a game against nature where one works with raw muscle power (Bell 1973 126); in the industrial era where machines predominates in a technical and rationalized existence, life is a game against fabricated nature. In contrast to both, life in the post-industrial society based on services, is a game between persons. What counts is not raw muscle power or energy but information (127).  Bell formulates that the main axis of this society will be theoretical knowledge and warns that knowledge-based services will be transformed into the central structure of the new economy and of an information-led society. He argued that western economies had de-industrialized, by which he meant that they had a declining percentage of the workforce working in the manufacturing sector and growing employment in the service and information sectors.  Figure 1  indicates the transformation which lies at the heart of his thesis. Figure 1:  Four-sector aggregation of the US workforce, 1860- 1980 Source:  Bureau of Labor Statistics, cited by  Bell (1980: 521) The dominant mode of employment was crucial to explaining economic, social and political changes, and technologies were crucial to explaining changes in the dominant mode of employment. Society had evolved through two distinct phases, agricultural and industrial, and was evolving into a post-industrial phase. In the postindustrial phase came new forms of innovation and social organization and practices. By the 1980s, Bell was using the terms post-industrial society and information society interchangeably. He surveys the characteristic differences reflected by the social- historical phases simplified into three main periods along nine distinctive aspects. The table below shows the distinctions. Table 2: Dimensions of the information society according to Daniel Bell (1979) Source: Bell, 1979 Daniel Bell is remarkably optimistic, seeing the post-industrial society as one in which everyone will enjoy access to the worlds traditions of art, music, and literature. Post-industrial society means the rise of professional work, professionals are oriented towards their clients, and society becomes transformed into a more caring, communal society. While Bells analysis fuses data and argument about the economy, employment, and knowledge, underlying his work is a clear technological determinism. He epitomizes the information society literature by according technology a central role in social change: technological innovation is seen as resulting in social change.   By contrast, sociologists of technology reject the notion that technology is somehow outside society and that technological change causes social change. Rather, they have been concerned to explore how particular social formations  give rise to  (or shape) the development of specific technologies.   6. Manuel Castells The Information Age: Network Society (1996, 1997, 1998) Castells description of the new information age attempts to show the way out of the theoretical maze of the value driven, intricate information society. He proposes a conceptual model of a network with which the most recent phenomena of modern societies can be explored. At the end of the 1990s he finally legitimized the information society as an academic field of research. Manuel Castells three-volume opus (1996, 1997, 1998), as reflected in the title -The Information Age, is a comprehensive scientific work supported by secondary sources and one which originates new concepts. Castells attempts to surpass traditional reasoning by offering a compact and multilayered foundation linking economic-and political, as well as cultural theory. His concern is to provide a cross-cultural theory of economy and society in the information age, specifically in relation to an emerging new social structure. While Castells uses a different term, his work resonates with the tenor of information society debates. Like Bell, Castells documents the demise of traditional, labor-intensive forms of industry and their replacement by flexible production. His account fuses the transformation of capitalism (the growth of globalization) with changing patterns and forms of identity. He argues that, with the rise of the informational mode of development, we are witnessing the emergence of a new socioeconomic paradigm, one with information processing at its core. For Castells, the issue is not information as such, but the informational society the specific form of social organization in w hich information generation, processing, and transmission become the fundamental sources of productivity and power, because of the technological conditions (Castells 1996: 21). In other words, the issue is not simply that information is central to production, but that it permeates society. 6.1 Networks In the informational economy, networks are the new social morphology. Organizations are transforming from bureaucracies to network enterprises, responding to information flows, with economic activity organized by means of fluid project teams. Economic activity becomes spatially dispersed but globally integrated, reducing the strategic significance of place, but enhancing the strategic role of major cities.  Manuel Castells explains the origins of ICT from the perspective of social developments. He argues that the network is the dominant structure of society in the information age: power, money, information and society itself is reproduced in networks. ICT enabled the management of these network structures. In the last quarter of a century, three independent processes came together, ushering in a new social structure predominantly based on networks: 1) the need of the economy for management flexibility and for the globalisation of capital, production and trade; 2) the demands of society in which the values of individual freedom and open communication became paramount; and 3) the extraordinary advances in computing and telecommunications made possible by the micro-electronics revolution. Under these conditions, the Internet became the lever for the transition to a new form of society the network society and with it to a new economy.  Networks have extraordinary advantages as  organizing  tools to coordinate and manage because of their flexibility and adaptability, which allows them to survive and prosper in a fast changing environment. Networks are proliferating in all domains of economy and society. The new economy is based on unprecedented potential for productivity growth as b usinesses use the Internet in all kinds of operations. Within a network society there are territories where valuable nodes of wealth and knowledge tend to form. Innovation tends to be territorially concentrated, and major cities throughout history have been important in cultural creativity and technological innovation.   6. 2 Time and space In contrast with earlier time-space arrangements, there is in terms of flows no distance between nodes on the same network. In other words, geographical distance is irrelevant to connection and communication. So there are fundamental changes to the nature of time and space, with time compressed and almost annihilated; and space shifting to the space of flows: places continue to be the focus of everyday life, rooting culture and transmitting history, but they are overlaid by flows. The network of flows is crucial to domination and change in society: interconnected, global, capitalist networks organize economic activity using IT and are the main sources of power in society. The power of flows in the networks prevails over the flow of power which might be read as some kind of flow determinism. The Internet and computer-mediated communication are seen as transforming the fabric of society though Castells explicitly rejects technological determinism. 6.3 Identity and culture The other main strands of Castellss argument are about identity and culture. The transformation of economies has been accompanied by the decline of traditional, class-based forms of association, particularly the labor movement. At the same time, state power has been eroded and new forms of collective resistance have emerged, notably feminism and environmentalism. The explosion of electronic media, specifically the development and growth of segmented audiences and interactivity, means the growth of customized cottages (as opposed to a global village) and a culture of real virtuality. Although he acknowledges growing inequality, social exclusion, and polarization, Castells, rather like Bell, sees at least the possibility of a positive future, of new forms of communication and the network society offering democratizing possibilities. 6. 4 Discussion on Bell and Castells While Bell focuses his analysis very much on the economy, and Castells provides a remarkably wide-ranging account, the work of these two key analysts of the information society addresses what can be seen as the four core themes of the information society, or of information society debates.  First is the new patterning of work and inequality. This includes debates informed by Bell regarding the decline of manufacturing in western economies, and the growth of information and service sectors; the deskilling debate and the restructuring of work; and the growth of e-commerce. It also includes debates about the growing gulf between the rich and the poor, and social exclusion the digital divide. There is debate about the extent to which lack of access to information is a cause, rather than merely a reflection, of social exclusion. Second is time-space reconfiguration, compression, or convergence different authors use different terms. The shrinking of time and space, examined by Castells, is facilitated by instantaneous electronic communication. Globalization and digital information networks lie at the heart of information society debates. Some invoke McLuhans (1992) notion of the global village and develop this in relation to the Internet, and a large and growing body of literature examines Internet communities, for example those of national diasporas. Multi-channel television and global television flows are key components of global cultural communication. The erosions of boundaries between home and work and public and private are other aspects of time-space reconfiguration. Third is the huge growth of cultural activities, institutions, and practices. Culture has become increasingly significant in contemporary society, and with new ICTs the means to produce, circulate, and exchange culture has expanded enormously. The media and communications industries have a huge economic significance today, paralleling that of physical plant in the industrial era. Far from simply a matter of business and flow, culture connects closely with the constitution of subjectivity, with identity. Fourth, there is a set of issues about the transformation of state power and democracy with the growth of technologies of surveillance. Behavior in public space is routinely observed and recorded on video, while computer systems map personal movements, conversations, e-mail traffic, consumption patterns, networks, and social activities. At the same time, democracy is facilitated by the capacity for many-to-many communication (as opposed to the broadcasting model of one-to-many) and the increasing accessibility of growing amounts of information, with the development of the Internet. New patterns of communication across time and space enhance communication possibilities, and state control of the media is challenged by new technologies satellite but especially the Internet that easily cross national borders. 7. Webster Theories of the Information Society (1995) Frank Webster has a long-standing interest in the effects of new technologies and changes in information and communication. His teaching interests span contemporary societies, social change, sociology, and information, communication and society.   He notes that the information society advocates do not distinguish between quantitative and qualitative measures; they assume that quantitative increases (in information, information industries and occupations, and information flows) transform into qualitative changes in social systems. Webster believes the concept of information society is flawed as a description of the emergence of a new type of society. The criteria for distinguishing an information society are inconsistent and lack clarity, the use of the term information is imprecise, and claims that increases in information lead to significant social changes are based on faulty logic and inadequate evidence. His central objection is that these distinctions are an over-simplification of the processes of change. There are no clear grounds for designating what is an information society or when we will have reached it. If there is just more information, it is hard to suggest why the information society is something radically new. All societies and nation states can be called information societies in so far as they all even pre-Internet have had routines and procedures and means for gathering, storing and controlling information about people. Therefore, more information cannot in itself be held as a break with pr evious social systems.  Ã‚   As such, Webster does not believe we have entered a new information age even as he concedes various points that there have been big changes in society because of changes in technology, networks, and information flows. As a result of his stated biases, he sometimes comes across as more critical of other scholars who he does not agree (Bell, Castells, etc.). However, Frank Webster developed a typology to understand information society theories: five main distinctions have been put forward to characterize an information society: technological, economic, occupational, spatial and cultural.   7.1 Technological vision   From the technological perspective, we live in an information society since information and telecommunication technologies play a constantly expanding role in all fields of social existence, which has shaken the foundations of social structures and processes and resulted in massive changes in politics, economy, culture, and everyday life. Most of the attempts made to define information society approach the idea from a technological point of view hence the central question of such explorations sounds like: What kind of new information and communication technology was constructed in recent decades that determined the infrastructure of information society? The key idea is that the breakthrough in information processing, storage and transmission led to the application of information technologies (IT) in all societies, e.g. sale and usage of computers, cell phones, etc. Awed by the pace and magnitude of technological change, there is an assumption that the computer revolution will have an overwhelming impact on every human being on earth. Computer technology is to the information age what mechanization was to the industrial revolution. New technologies are one of the most visible indicators of a new age, and therefore are often taken as signals of an information society. The rapid growth of the Internet especially the information superhighway, and the spread of national, international and global information networks has been held as a key development. Many government studies have tried to track the growth in volumes of communication and information across these networks. They contend that ICTs represent the establishment of a new epoch , which despite short-term difficulties will be economically beneficial over the longer term.  The most important question, however, is the one that focuses on the relationship between technology and society. What is the optimum technological impact on social life that can achieve a qualitative change? Are we justified in relying on modernizing political initiatives and the theories of futurologists who claim that technology is the only means to change social procedures and the functioning of society, when their objective is to expand the use of technology in the public sphere? 7.2 Occupational vision Many OECD and EU documents on the information society focus on the occupational aspect of the information society. An emergence of an information society is measured by the focus on occupational change: the shift is towards the information work. Information society is seen in overwhelming members of clerks, teachers, lawyers, etc. vis-à  -vis the manual labours, such as mine workers, builders, farm labourers, etc. Labour market is today dominated by information operatives who possess the information needed to get things done. A clear emergence of white-collar society (Information work) and a decline of industrial labour (blue-collared workers).  Occupational change is often taken as another indicator of an information society. The occupational structure is examined over time and patterns of change are observed. Arguments here are based on the assumption that if most forms of work involve information we have achieved an information society. The decline of manufacturing or industria l work is taken as a further signal of change. This conception of the information society is quite different from the one based on technologies, since it suggests that it is the transformative power of information rather than of information technologies that is spurring change. 7.3 Economic vision   Technological innovation is central for increasing productivity and thus for growth of economics and competition between economies. It is commonplace today to contend that we have evolved into a society which accepts that knowledge had become the foundation of the modern economy. We have shifted from the economy of goods to a knowledge economy. The assumption is that knowledge and organization are the prime creators of wealth. Economy-based approaches track the growth in economic value of information-r

William Shakespeares Use of Song in the Early Comedies Essay -- Biogr

Shakespeare's Use of Song in the Early Comedies Undertaken to determine what features make a song germane to the story in successful musical theater, this study outlines some characteristics of Shakespeare's use of song. Chosen from the plays with which the present author is most familiar-the early comedies-are three substantial pieces (each headed in the play by either "Song" or "sing," and each with at least two stanzas and refrain): "You Spotted Snakes," "Sigh No More," and "Under the Greenwood Tree." A close reading of the lyrics and surrounding text will establish the contribution of the song to plot, theme, and character, and a study of the form itself will support these aspects and perhaps explain the success of the lyrics in making a song. First in the study of Shakespeare's songs, "You Spotted Snakes" of A Midsummer Night's Dream (II.ii.9-24) demonstrates each of the aspects outlined above. To begin, by answering Queen Titania's command "Sing me now asleep" (II.ii.7), this lullaby serves to advance the plot: during the song the queen not only retires but achieves such slumber as endures undisturbed by King Oberon's ensuing mischief. This function resembles that of "Let Me the Canakin Clink" in Othello II.iii.71-75), explains Seng: "not only to establish an atmosphere . . . but to 'stretch' stage-time and make Cassio's rapid drunkenness plausible" (186). Further, Seng relates, an Elizabethan audience "believed that music had actual therapeutic value": the fairy song is "more than a lullaby, or even a magic lullaby; it is a charm to ward off evils" (31-32). That the song lulls Titania asleep is its obvious function, but that it also saves her from the snakes and spiders should be apparent even to modern audiences... ...r, 10 May 1993: 97-98. Long, John H. Shakespeare's Use of Music: A Study of the Music and its Performance in the Original Production of Seven Comedies. Gainesville: U of Florida P, 1961. HSU ML8O.55.L7 Rollin, Lucy. Cradle and All: A Cultural and Psychoanalytic Reading of Nursery Rhymes. Jackson: UP of Mississippi, 1992. HSU PR.976.R6 Seng, Peter J. The Vocal Songs in the Plays of Shakespeare: A Critical History. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1967. HSU ML80.55.535 Shakespeare, William. The Complete Works of William Shakespeare. Ed. W. G. Clark and W. Aldis Wright. 2 vols. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, n.d. Sternfeld, F. W. Music in Shakespearean Tragedy. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1963. HSU ML8O.55.58 Walter, J. H. Introduction to King Henry V. Ed. Walter. The Arden Ed. of the Works of William Shakespeare. London: Methuen, 1954. HSU PR.2812.A2.W3.

The Beginning of the Civil Rights Movement

The Beginning of the Civil Rights Movement Michelle Brown The Beginning of the Civil Rights Movement The Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s were a profound turning point in American History. African American’s had been fighting for equality for many years but in the early 1950s the fight started to heighten, from Rosa Parks, to Martin Luther King Jr. , to Malcolm X, the fight would take on many different forms over the span of two decades, and was looked at from many different points of view. The Beginning of the Civil Rights Movement For most historians the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement started on December 1, 1955 when Rosa Parks refused to give her seat to a white person on a bus in Montgomery, Alabama. This is when the rise of the Civil Rights Movement began; however, there were several previous incidents which helped to lead up to the movement. In 1951, the â€Å"Martinsville Seven† were all African American men tried by an all white jury in the rape of a white woman from Virginia. All seven were found guilty, and for the first time in Virginia history, were sentenced to the death penalty for rape. Webspinner, 2004-2009). In this same year the African American students at Moton High decided to strike against the unequal educational treatment. Their case was later added to the Brown v Board of Education suit in 1954. (Webspinner, 2004-2009). In June 1953, a bus boycott was held in Baton Rouge, LA. After the bus drivers refused to enforce Ordinance 222, an ordinance which changed segregated seati ng on buses so that African American’s would fill the bus from the back forward and whites would fill it from the front back on a first come first serve basis, the Ordinance was overturned. Led by Reverend Jemison and other African American businessmen, the African American community decided to boycott the bus system. Later in the month Ordinance 251 was put in place, allowing a section of the bus to be black only and a section to be white only, the rest of the bus would be first come first serve. (Webspinner, 2004-2009). In May 1954, Chief Justice Earl Warren delivered the following verdict on Brown v Board of Education. We come then to the question presented: Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other ‘tangible’ factor may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal educational opportunities? We believe that it does†¦We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of ‘separate but equal’ has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal. Therefore, we hold that protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourtee nth Amendment. † (Webspinner, 2004-2009). Even though the actual desegregation of schools did not take place in 1954, this ruling was a major step in the Civil Rights Movement which took place prior to Rosa Parks. Nonviolent Protest Movement Martin Luther King Jr. went far in his belief and commitment to nonviolent resistance. King believed, and taught, six important points about nonviolent resistance. The first was nonviolent resistance is not cowardly, â€Å"According to King, a nonviolent protester was as passionate as a violent protester, Despite not being physically aggressive, ‘his mind and emotions are always active, constantly seeking to persuade the opponent that he is mistaken. † (McElrath, 2009). His second point was that nonviolent resistance would awaken moral shame in a protestor’s opponent, which would then lead the opponent to understanding and friendship. Kings third point was nonviolent resistance was a battle against evil not a battle against individuals. His fourth point stated that su ffering was required in nonviolent resistance, â€Å"Accordingly, the end was more important than safety, and retaliatory violence would distract from the main fight. † (McElrath, 2009). King’s fifth point was, the nonviolent resister was on the side of Justice. His final point was the power of love rests with nonviolent resisters, this is the love of understanding not of affection, â€Å"Bitterness and hate were absent from the resister mind, and replaced with love. † (McElrath, 2009). King continued to preach nonviolent resistance through all the boycotts, sit-ins, protest marches, and speeches. After being arrested in the Montgomery, Alabama bus boycott of 1963, he wrote letters from the Birmingham jail about nonviolent resistance. Later in 1963 he led a massive march on Washington DC, this is where he delivered his I Have A Drams speech. In 1964 he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts. Up until his assassination in April 1968, â€Å"he never wavered in his insistence that nonviolence must remain the central tactic of the civil-rights movement, nor in his faith that everyone in America would some day attain equal justice. † (Chew, 1995-2008). Malcolm X Malcolm X, whom at one time was a minister for the Nation of Islam, had a more militant style to attain rights for African Americans. After the Washington DC march he did not understand why African Americans had been so excited about a demonstration, â€Å"run by whites in front of a statue of a president who has been dead for a hundred years and who didn’t like us when he was alive. (Adams, 2009). Malcolm, to the protestors, represented a militant revolutionary who would stand up and fight to win equality, while also being a person who wanted to bring on positive social services and was an exceptional role model. In fact, it was the customs of Malcolm X which were severely rooted in the academic founda tions of the Black Panther Party. Malcolm X was murdered in 1965, but his beliefs lived on for long after. Conclusion While King and Malcolm X never shared the same platform, and had two very different beliefs in how to end segregation and racisms, they were both key players in the Civil Rights Movement. Martin Luther King Jr. preached nonviolent resistance, and Malcolm X had a militant style to his beliefs. After Malcolm X was murdered, King wrote the following to his widow, â€Å"while we did not always see eye to eye on methods to solve the race problem, I always had a deep affection for Malcolm and felt that he had a great ability to put his finger on the existence of the root of the problem. † (Adams, 2009). References: Adams, R. (2009) Martin and Malcolm, Two 20th Century Giants. Retrieved on September 27, 2009, from http://www. black-collegian. com/african/mlk/giants2000-2nd. html Chew, R. (1995-2008) Martin Luther King, Jr. Civil-Rights Leader, 1929 – 1968. Retrieved on September 27, 2009, from http://www. lucidcafe. com/library/96jan/king. html McElrath, J. (2009) Martin Luther King’s Philosophy on Nonviolent Resistance, The Power of Love. Retrieved on September 27, 2009, from http://afroamhistory. about. com/od/martinlutherking/a/mlks_philosophy_2. htm Webspinner. (2004-2009) We’ll Never Turn Back History & Timeline of the Southern Freedom Movement. Retrieved on September 27, 2009 from http://www. crmvet. org/tim/timhome. htm

The eNotes Blog Dont Have Any FOMO! The Complete List of New Words in the OED isHere

Dont Have Any FOMO! The Complete List of New Words in the OED isHere Dont know what FOMO stands for? Yeah, me either. (Psst old folks! It means, Fear of Missing Out.)   Good thing it is one of the sixty-five new entries  in the venerable  Oxford English Dictionary. As you will see, many of them are from the virtual world.   Among my favorites, which originated on Reddit, is TL;DR (Too long; did not read.) Some of this years entries have met with howls of outrage among the literati, but we would all do well to remember the wise counsel of Jorge Luis Borges who said that language is not, as we are led to suppose by the dictionary, the invention of academicians or philologists. Rather, it has been evolved through timeby peasants, by fishermen, by hunters, by riders.† Say that over and over to yourself when you understand that   twerk is now an officially recognized word: verb [no object]  informal dance to popular music in a sexually provocative manner involving thrusting hip movements and a low, squatting stance:just wait till they catch their daughters twerking to this songtwerk it  girl, work it girl Here are a few of those new entries.   Do you know your emoji from your omnishambles? WELL, DO YOU? apols A/W babymoon balayage bitcoin blondie buzzworthy BYOD cake pop chandelier earring click and collect dappy derp digital detox double denim emoji fauxhawk FIL flatform food baby geek chic girl crush grats guac hackerspace Internet of things jorts LDR me time MOOC omnishambles pear cider phablet pixie cut selfie space tourism squee srsly street food unlike